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Russian administration in Chechnya: what is that?

By Musa Tumsoyev, candidate of economic science

As it is well known, the perspective of the introduction of the presidential or federal administration in Chechnya ended with the creation of the Provisional Administration. Since the very beginning, the creation of such a governing body in the republic had been raising many questions. Under military operations, practical power in Chechnya could have only been in the hands of Russian generals. Nevertheless, such was the choice of Russian President Vladimir Putin. And his was also the choice of who would be appointed as the head of the Provisional Administration of Chechnya: Akhmad Kadyrov, a supporter of Chechnya’s independence with a fair-sized „length of service".

Kadyrov’s appointment has provoked no less questions than the creation of the administration itself. The strongest opponent of his appointment was Bislan Gantamirov, who was the first among pro-Russia Chechens to be called for the fight against anti-Russia Chechens within the current military campaign. On account of this, the whole activity of the Provisional Administration of Chechnya was resolution of a conflict between these politicians.

Gantamirov is the most discrepant figure of these two. We need to keep in mind that Gantamirov also has some „length of service" as a supporter of Chechnya’s independence. At one time he had been appointed as the Mayor of the capital Grozny by Chechen President Djokhar Dudayev and that moment can be counted as the start of his rough career as a Chechen politician. Nothing has then hindered Russian authorities from recognizing Gantamirov as the ex-Mayor of Grozny, in spite of the fact that they have never recognized the legitimacy of the one who had appointed him.

Moreover, by restoring „constitutional order" in 1994-1996 the legitimacy of Grozny municipal authorities headed by Gantamirov and delegates of the Municipal Assembly elected by the authority of „independent" Chechnya was confirmed. Simultaneously the Chechen-Ingushetian parliament of the year 1990 was recognized as being legitimate but the Municipal Assembly of Grozny, elected in the same year, was not „given confidence". Such optionality in determining the constitutionality of the actions of some politicians played a vital role in Gantamirov’s career.

Russian authorities treated Gantamirov on the assumption of political expediency. Ridiculous - to Russia’s measures - accusations of embezzlement of budget funds enabled the authorities to „suspend" political activities of the Mayor. That might have come in handy as „old-new" official authorities returned to Chechnya who proved their legitimacy in elections. But Gantamirov appeared to be beyond Russian and Chechen „constitutional zones" by that.

Under conditions of „dictatorship of law" Russian authorities can be not only harsh but also humane. This enabled Gantamirov to return to an active political life. „Ridiculous" accusations were forgotten and the federal center once again staked on the ex-Mayor in „pacification" for its subject, having given him an ultimatum: captivity, or freedom on certain terms? Gantamirov seemed to have pretensions about being „general-governor" of Chechnya thanks to his military services and „devotion" to the Russian constitution. But lieutenant colonel Gantamirov lost to religious figure Kadyrov who has „recognized" the Russian constitution relatively recently. Once again, Russian authorities thus showed unpredictability in taking decisions, having made an ally from an opponent as it seemed to the authorities. All these actions did not have any meaning as to the Provisional Administration’s control over the territory of the republic as it is the military that still continues to have practical power in Chechnya.

At the same time the conflict between the head of the Provisional Administration of Chechnya and the ex-Mayor of Grozny, which started in June, cannot be counted as settled in spite of the statement of Viktor Kazantsev, the plenipotentiary of the President of Russia in the Southern Federal region, that all contradictions between Kadyrov and Gantamirov have been reconciled. Kadyrov’s staying on as the head of the Provisional Administration of Chechnya and Gantamirov’s appointment as the head of administration of Grozny was the result of reconciliation between the two politicians. This outcome of the conflict can be counted as Gantamirov’s certain political victory in his struggle against his opponent Kadyrov but this has hardly brought him closer to his „wish" of being the head of a pro-Russian administration in Chechnya. The post of Mayor of Grozny, which had been passed to a „friendly" person at one time, was returned to Gantamirov as this seems to be all what he can count on at the moment.

The Provisional Administration of Chechnya is not quite the power in the republic. At the same time all appointments within this structure have shown on whom Russian authorities wish to rely on to achieve their goals. No wonder Viktor Kazantsev expressed dissatisfaction with the structure of governing in the Chechen Republic and is about to change it. The plenipotentiary of the President of Russia in the Southern Federal region claims: „We are in need of a coordinator who would take the responsibility for the economy, for the control of financial flows, for the actions of power structures - for everything". This coordinator will not necessarily be a Chechen. At this moment „games" with appointments of the head of the republic from the „authoritative" Chechen politicians will end.

Development of events in Chechnya is estimated by many politicians in the light of casualties among Russian armed forces and Chechen guerilla fighters. The number of casualties among civilians in Chechnya remains unknown by that. Some politicians are interested in the expenditures on the war. But few think of the losses caused to citizens of the republic and their expenditures for survival.

At the same time this will also recede into the background by the start of the „reconstruction". Maybe this is the reason why all these wars are started? There will be definitely not enough money for the reconstruction of the destroyed economy. Allocated funds will be incommensurably less than those which are spent for military operations. But this will be enough big money for the „fight" for the spheres of influence, for their own „share" in the financing of Chechnya´s economy, which has already started. In view of this „war", the future structure of governing in the republic is of no small importance.

Taking into account that the basic infrastructure in Grozny is completely destroyed and the city remains the center of Chechnya, priority-driven financing is supposed to be awaited. The fact that a considerable number of refugees are from Grozny will be contributing to that. The order, signed by Kadyrov, stated that all ministries and departments of the republic are to move from Gudermes to Grozny by November 1, settled the question about the Chechen capital but did not solve the problem of who the big chief in this city really is.

Under present conditions, as ever, the main person in the capital has priority access to the „big" money. Another thing is that the only possible channel of income in the closest future - an oil complex - is also located in Grozny. One stark reality is the simple fact that the oil complex has always been the source of enrichment for the ruling elite in Chechnya. In this context Gantamirov’s position as the head of administration in Grozny is more preferable and stable than that of the head of the Provisional Administration of Chechnya. However, taking into account the experience of financing the reconstruction in 1995-1996, the participation of Grozny in the distribution of budget funds will be reduced significantly as after Moscow it will be Rostov-on-Don that will have its say in it.

Kadyrov and Gantamirov are „condemned" to be in power until they are politically expedient. Being commercial figures of the Russian administration in Chechnya, they will never be fully trusted by federal authorities. Only the trust of the people of the republic can serve as a guarantee to the authority of a political leader.

The confined abilities of selection of Chechen politicians reconciling to each other prove the weakness of Russian control over the republic. Carried away by propaganda of a split and conflict among Chechen armed formations, federal authorities failed to form their own administration in Chechnya capable of carrying on governing functions and enjoying support from the citizens of the Chechen Republic.

Musa Tumsoyev is a regular contributor to Prague Watchodog.